The Oxford Handbook of Karl Marx by MATT VIDAL & TONY SMITH & TOMÁS ROTTA & PAUL PREW

Author:MATT VIDAL & TONY SMITH & TOMÁS ROTTA & PAUL PREW
Language: eng
Format: epub
Publisher: Oxford University Press
Published: 2019-06-15T00:00:00+00:00

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1 Discussion of trade union conservatism comes out especially in Engels’s counterposition in his later correspondence of the craft-exclusive “old” trade unions and the more inclusive “new” unions of late nineteenth-century Britain, which organized skilled and unskilled workers along industrial lines. See (Marx and Engels 1990:149-151).

2 This section draws on (Eidlin 2014).

3 For a contemporary defense of the theory of the labor aristocracy, see (Cope 2012; Elbaum and Seltzer 2004).

4 This does not mean that Lenin believed that workers were incapable of becoming such party intellectuals. To the contrary, after the wave of 1905 strikes in Russia, Lenin urged his fellow Bolsheviks to welcome new layers of young, radicalizing workers into the party and set them to work (Lenin 1962). This goes against the common notion of Lenin as an elitist who did not believe that workers were capable of their own self-emancipation (Lih 2008).

5 This section draws on Eidlin and Kerrissey (2018).

6 This section will focus on “the West,” as space does not allow a proper exploration of labor relations under Stalinist regimes.

7 In North America, postwar Red scares decimated Communist parties and Communist-led unions, but with different results for the United States and Canada. McCarthyite purges essentially wiped out nearly all left-wing influences in the US labor movement, setting the stage for its exceptional weakness. Meanwhile, in Canada, the existence of an established labor-based party, the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF), meant that the link between labor and the left was strained, but not severed. For more see (Eidlin 2018).

8 The exceptions were the New Left in France, which allied with workers in the course of the May 1968 uprising, and in Italy, where workerism (operaismo) gained a foothold (Singer 2002; Wright 2002).

9 Johnson and Forest were the pseudonyms of the tendency’s leaders, C. L. R. James and Raya Dunayevskaya, who left the Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party in 1950 (Alexander 1991).

10 The “Cochranite” tendency, named after its leader, Bert Cochran, was a group within the US SWP made up largely of organic working-class militants that was expelled in 1953, forming the American Socialist Union, which disbanded in 1959 (Alexander 1991).

11 This idea of workers’ diverse interests being resolved through “dialogical” decision-making processes would be later be theorized more systematically by Offe and Wiesenthal (1980).

12 Author’s translation of Elle commence à libérer l’ouvrier individuel d’une longue habitude de passivité, de soumission et d’obéissance dans la vie économique.

13 This section draws on Eidlin (2014).

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